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Saturday, March 08, 2003

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TOO MUCH INFORMATION   
Was it really necessary to repeat these anti-Bush charges in order to correct a middle initial? This from today's normally terse corrections on the New York Times' website:
"A front-page news analysis article in late editions yesterday about President Bush's references to the Sept. 11 attacks misstated the middle initial of a Democratic strategist who said the references were aimed at shoring up flagging support for a war. He is Robert S. Strauss, not Robert J."

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 4:58 PM | link   


Friday, March 07, 2003

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MORE GREENSPAN NUMEROLOGY  
I've long argued that Alan Greenspan's monetary policy since 1996 has made only a little more sense than numerology -- but here's a new angle from my ever-alert informant "Irrational Exuberance." A Dow Jones wire story filed today revealed an astonishing numerological connection between Greenspan and his long-deceased mentor Ayn Rand -- a connection that reaches out from beyond the grave!

That's right! The story reveals the shocking truth that yesterday, March 6, was Alan Greenspan's 77th birthday. That same day -- yes, the very same day! -- marks the 21st anniversary of Ayn Rand's death. And she died precisely at the age of -- get this! -- 77!

Must have been a slow day on the Dow Jones fed watch beat.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 3:03 PM | link   

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HACKERS FOR PEACE FOIL FRIST   
Senate majority leader Bill Frist posted an on-line poll on his web site yesterday, inviting visitors to participate in a virtual referendum on war with Iraq. The Knoxville Star Sentinel reported that the poll showed 57% of respondents opposing the war, and invited readers to take the poll themselves.

If you go to Frist's site now, though, the poll's been taken down, and here's all you'll see...

"The results of the poll reported in the Knoxville News Sentinel are inaccurate due to tampering with the poll site. Users are normally allowed only one vote in the poll, however, sometime yesterday, someone figured out how to vote several thousand times, and also managed to insert statements into the poll results page. The poll has temporarily been removed until a more secure method of operating web polls is in place. We apoogize [sic] for any inconvenience."

Can you imagine the flap in the press if pro-war people had done the tampering? Frist would have to do a lot more than "apoogize."

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 2:43 PM | link   

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BUFFETT'S NEW OPTION PLAN GOES THE WAY OF NEW COKE   
Here's yet another reason to be skeptical when Warren Buffett warns that derivative securities are a "mega-catastrophe" and "financial weapons of mass destruction" -- in part because they offer "enormous incentives to cheat in accounting." It turns out that there are some things about derivatives -- and about accounting -- that Buffett doesn't know.

Last July, during the worst of the public over-reaction to the WorldCom accounting scandal, Buffett's crown-jewel holding Coca-Cola Company announced that it would voluntarily report the expense of executive stock options on financial statements. And if that weren't good-governance enough, it wouldn't use the famous Black Scholes option pricing model to calculate the expense like everyone else (after all, that model is subjective and open to abuse by unscrupulous CEOs who have "enormous incentives to cheat in accounting"). Instead, Coca-Cola would get bids from independent securities dealers that would reflect the actual market value of the options. This righteous plan, it was said at the time, was the brainchild of accounting expert and derivatives expert Warren Buffett.

Well, now it turns out that none of that is going to work, and it's all been shit-canned. According to the Wall Street Journal today, Coca-Cola's most recent proxy statement says that they'll be using the Black Scholes model after all.

Why? Because this bright idea of accounting expert Warren Buffett turns out not to be legal. The Journal: "Coke executives Thursday said they had no choice but to abandon the Buffett-backed plan. They said the company eventually concluded that current accounting standards wouldn't allow the new approach..."

Oh... and it turns out it wouldn't have made any difference even if it were legal. Derivates expert Warren Buffet was wrong about that, too. The proxy statement: "...our Black-Scholes value was not materially different from the independent quotes."

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 3:03 AM | link   


Wednesday, March 05, 2003

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ICE CREAM, MANDRAKE... CHILDREN'S ICE CREAM   
When antitrust cases are about complex technical subjects like Microsoft and the market for PC operating systems, or Hughes/Echostar and the market for satellite TV broadcasting, it's easy just to throw up your hands and assume that the government's experts must be right. But when the antitrust case is about ice cream, you don't have to be an expert to be entitled to an opinion of your own.

Sterling Hayen in ''Dr. Stangelove'' Columbia Pictures 1964 -- Click to order!So take a look for yourself at the Federal Trade Commission's decision yesterday to block the proposed merger of Nestlé Holdings and Dreyer's Grand Ice Cream on antitrust grounds. The issues at stake are so simple that the injustice, arbitrariness and sheer absurdity of American antitrust regulation jump out at you with breathtaking clarity.

Let's take a look at what was behind the FTC's decision -- a decision which inserts the power of government to disrupt a voluntary and mutually sought combination of two private businesses, a decision that slashed a billion dollars in market value from the stock of Dreyer's last night as soon as it was announced.

The essence of it as that the FTC believes that "that the elimination of Dreyer's would likely lead to anticompetitive effects in the market for superpremium ice cream." Did you know, before this, that there even was something called "the market for superpremium ice cream"? Well, there is now. Imagine some incredibly complex diagram covering the wall in the office of some Ph. D. at the FTC's offices in Washington showing "the market for food." Now erase everything that isn't "the market for deserts," and then erase everything that isn't "the market for frozen deserts," and then erase everything that isn't "the market for ice cream." There's not much of that diagram left -- we're already down to something the size of a postage stamp. But now erase "the market for cheap-o ice cream" and "the market for regular ice cream" and "the market for premium ice cream." That little thing you have left -- that thing that's about the size of Abraham Lincoln's nostril on a penny -- is "the market for superpremium ice cream." And that's what this is all about.

In that tiny little sub-sub-sub-sub-market, Dreyers' brands Dreamery, Godiva and Starbucks battle it out with Nestlé's Häagen Dazs, and Unilever's Ben & Jerry's. The big issue, according to the FTC -- the reason for government to intervene and cost Dreyer's shareholders a billion dollars -- is that  "this deal will reduce the number of significant competitors from three to two" and "would likely raise prices and reduce choice for consumers." But, even granting that the government ought to be concerned with such matters at all, none of it means a thing in this case unless you accept the idea of "the market for superpremium ice cream" as a meaningful reality.

Who's to say that's a market of any importance? Who's to say that market needs the government to interfere with private business decisions to be sure that there's a certain amount of competition in it -- or any competition at all? Let's say that there were so little competition in "the market for superpremium ice cream" that choice was narrowed to a single brand and prices became astronomical. What if "the market for superpremium ice cream" vanished from the face of the earth altogether? So what? Consumers could simply buy any of dozens of premium, regular, or cheap-o ice cream brands instead -- or some other desert. Let them eat superpremium cake!

Even if we grant that "the market for superpremium ice cream" needs to be policed for competition, who's to say that the correct number of competitors is two rather than three? Is it always better to have more competitors in a market? In this country we have only two political parties of any influence -- would we be better off with more, like Italy or Israel? Maybe we would,  in which case we are free to have them -- or not. But in the case of ice cream -- or rather, superpremium ice cream -- we are not free to have less than three.

And why should we necessarily be concerned that prices might rise with a drop in the number of competitors? First, there's no axiomatic reason to be absolutely positive that prices would rise in the first place. And what's the correct price for superpremium ice cream, anyway? Maybe prices should go up -- maybe today's prices are too low. To insist arbitrarily that lower prices are always better -- and to bring government power to bear to make sure that they are -- amounts to a form of price controls in the name of antitrust. It takes what should be a free bargaining process between producer and consumer and stacks it in favor of the consumer. But why are people who make ice cream less entitled to equal protection under the laws than people who eat ice cream?

And even granting that the FTC ought to be interfering with private transactions on all of these highly questionable grounds, we need to ask the purely pragmatic question: will it work? Suppose that Dreyers now goes out of business because it can't be sufficiently profitable without the merger it wanted -- with too many competitors, and with prices too low. That way we'd still end up with two competitors -- but that's the hard way to get to the same undesired result.

And don't think it can't happen, because it's happened before. How different would the US telecommunications business be today -- indeed, the whole corporate landscape -- if antitrust authorities hadn't blocked the merger of Sprint and WorldCom in 2000? In that case it wasn't about ice cream. The chart on that Ph. D.'s wall was a little bigger, the ideas being debated had more syllables, and there was more money at stake -- but all the same principles apply, and the result was ruination.

So President Bush, when you're done ending the double-taxation of corporate income and reforming Social Security -- oh, and don't forget to win the war on terrorism -- do you think you could do something about demolishing America's antitrust bureaucracy?

>> Update... Silber at The Light of Reason has an anti-antitrust crusade you can participate in personally. Check it out -- click here.
>> Update II... Outstanding information about the inmates running the asylum at the FTC on our letters page, from an anti-antitrust "passivist."

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 3:00 AM | link   


Tuesday, March 04, 2003

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RANDOM MOODSWINGS   
Our telecom and networking guru friend David Isenberg has finally published his long-awaited take on the FCC's order of February 20 to re-regulate broadband. Isenberg's take is as iconoclastic and brilliant as always -- he thinks giving control of America's broadband future to the incumbent telco's is a disaster that will immediately impede innovation and capex. So David's put out the call for some budding monopolist -- a would-be John D. Rockefeller or Bill Gates -- who wants to seize the opportunity of the millennium and build out fiber-to-the-home across America.

It's all in David's latest SMART Letter -- I'm publishing it tomorrow morning on the TrendMacro site, but if you want a sneak preview just click here now.


On our letters page, reactions to this morning's comments on Warren Buffett's tirade against derivatives. One reader notes that derivatives really are risky. But another reader recalls that in 1998 Buffett tried to acquire Long Term Capital Management at a bargain price -- and now he's holding it out as the paradigm of everything that's wrong with derivatives.


My informant "Irrational Exuberance" points with happiness to this Financial Times article announcing that NY State Attorney General Eliot Spitzer has given up his witch-hunt against hedge funds. America's self-appointed market structure czar declared "I am not saying anything critical of short selling," but the FT says he continues to think that "overleverage is still an issue that requires examination." The bottom line: Spitzer told the hedge fund community "Don't get giddy."

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 4:13 PM | link   

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BUFFETT: DERIVATIVES FOR ME, NOT THEE   
Warren Buffett is warning that derivative securities are a "mega-catastrophe" and "financial weapons of mass destruction" in the sneak preview of this year's annual letter to shareholders of Berkshire Hathaway, published in the latest Fortune. It's all the same stuff we seem to have to hear about derivatives every five years or so, about how derivatives are hard to value, about how they are rife with "systemic risks" and how about how positions are "concentrated in the hands of relatively few derivatives dealers, who in addition trade extensively with one another. The troubles of one could quickly infect the others." The case of Long Term Capital Management is hauled out of mothballs, of course, to show how dangerous it all can be -- when LTCM is a textbook example of just the opposite: how a worst-case situation can, in fact, be handled successfully.

Now of course, in the obligatory "to be sure" disclosure, Buffett admits "Indeed, at Berkshire, I sometimes engage in large-scale derivatives transactions in order to facilitate certain investment strategies." And back in the 1992 annual letter, Buffett smirked about how simple derivatives are, when taking that view helped buttress his argument that executive stock options should be expensed in corporate income statements.

"...options are just not that difficult to value... In fact, since I'm in the mood for offers, I'll make one to any executive who is granted a restricted option, even though it may be out of the money: On the day of issue, Berkshire will pay him or her a substantial sum for the right to any future gain he or she realizes on the option. So if you find a CEO who says his newly-issued options have little or no value, tell him to try us out. In truth, we have far more confidence in our ability to determine an appropriate price to pay for an option than we have in our ability to determine the proper depreciation rate for our corporate jet."

Get it? The guy with the corporate jet can "engage in large-scale derivatives transactions in order to facilitate certain investment strategies" -- and for him they're "just not that difficult to value." But for the rest of you grubby Wall Street strivers who think you can get your own corporate jet someday -- no way. Too dangerous!

Warren's climbed up into his jet and pulled the ladder up after him.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 3:01 AM | link   


Monday, March 03, 2003

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NAPALM IN THE MORNING   
Tapped -- the weblog of The American Prospect magazine, has finally come up with a response to me, after I called in the napalm on them last week (here, here, and here again) for their attack on the statement supporting President Bush's tax-cut proposal signed by 250 economists.

You can be pretty sure you got 'em when they start calling you names. You know you burned 'em for sure when they start quoting Lionel Trilling.

Smells like... victory.

>> Update... Musil and Maguire are all over it!
>> Update II... Musil grabs the dictionary!
>> Update III... Dreck finds a funny one!

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 6:24 PM | link   

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IRAQ: WAITING GAME, FOOL'S GAME   
I have to strongly disagree with Mickey Kaus and Daniel Drezner -- both have recently argued that it would be to President Bush's realpolitikal advantage to delay the war against Iraq, and start it closer to the 2004 election.

Kaus (2/28/2003) says "...the actual popularity-boosting war would be closer to the elections -- and right in the middle of the early primary season, making the anti-war Democrats highly uncomfortable. Plus, given the possibility of post-war chaos and anti-American blowback over the mid-to-long term, an Iraq intervention is likely to look a lot better, in November, 2004, if it's only 12 months old than if it's 18 months old."

Drezner (3/2/2003) makes much the same point and adds: "The economic rebound will be stronger. It's clear that what's depressing business investment and consumer confidence is the uncertainty over the Iraq situation. If an attack occurs now, the economy will probably experience a short-term rebound from the reduction of uncertainty. Over the longer term, macroeconomic fundamentals like the size of the budget deficit and interest rates will kick in. Now, if you're a Democrat, you have to believe that in the long term, the 'bizarrely destructive' domestic policies of the Bush administration will trigger a downturn. So, if you're a Dem, when do you want the short-term uptick in the economy to take place -- 2003 or 2004?"

These analyses seem to argue that preparing for war is like holding your breath: when you finally breathe again there will be a great rush of relief -- so the longer your hold your breath, the greater the relief. Except there's one obvious problem -- you can only hold your breath for so long without killing yourself. In my view, Bush and the hawks are already turning blue and their eyeballs are starting to bug out. It's time to inhale.

First, the purely political dimension: just look at the polls, gentlemen. Democratic operatives who say that Bush's approval ratings are "plunging" are exaggerating -- but it is nevertheless the case that Bush's approval ratings have fallen back close to where they were just before 9/11 and they're still falling. And more important for this analysis, his disapproval ratings are virtually already there, and they're still rising. The burden of proof rests on anyone who would dispute the hard reality that every additional day of delay further erodes Bush's political standing.

So it's a race against time. If Kaus and Drezner are right that the actual onset of war will be popularity-boosting (and I agree with them on that), then the war had better start while Bush's popularity is still high enough so that the boost will take him to electable levels. If the war were to start today, that would definitely be the case -- but, yes, the elections would still be some time off. But will it still be the case, say, a year from now, when everyone's even more fed up than they already are with the endless debate and the orange alerts and the duct-tape?

If a delayed onset of war is so smart for the Bush, then why are the Democrats doing everything they can to delay the war? Indeed, with every passing day they skillfully cause Bush to stop, reassess the game, and then play for higher stakes: so far Democratic fault-finding has moved Bush's Iraq agenda all the way from disarmament and regime change to nation-building to -- with last week's speech -- region-building. Are we not already at the point where Bush is bound to fail simply by virtue of the sheer ambitiousness and expense of what he's been brow-beaten into attempting?

Now to the economic dimension: I agree with Drezner to the extent that I expect a major stock market rebound with the relief of uncertainty upon the onset of war, and there may well be a corresponding pick-up in overall economic activity too. But here, again, it's a race against time. If the political value of the economic pick-up increases by its being deferred closer to the election, that only creates a net advantage to Bush if the public outrage over a stagnating economy and stock market don't  increase even faster. Considering how much easier it is to break an economic Humpty Dumpty than it is to put one back together again, daring to wait to relieve the economy of its war uncertainty would be a foolhardy proposition.

I also believe it is the case that Bush's sweeping tax-cut plan is not likely to be enacted into law with the current level and trend in his approval ratings -- it's too ambitious for that. The spike in his popularity that would result from the onset of war would make enactment of the tax-cuts far more likely -- and in my view it's a lead-pipe cinch that their enactment would lead to not just an economic pick-up but a downright boom in time for the elections. Believe me, if the Democrats really thought that "the 'bizarrely destructive' domestic policies of the Bush administration will trigger a downturn" they'd be doing a lot less to block them and the onset of war that will enable their enactment.

If I were George Bush the only thing that would stop me from giving the go-code would be logistics -- I'd just want to know that all the resources required for victory were in place. In every other dimension the clock would be my enemy. Every hour that goes by the polls get worse. Every hour that goes by the economy stays stagnant and opportunity cost compounds. And every hour that goes by increases the risk that one of those weapons of mass destruction that this is supposed to be all about gets used on someone while I was waiting around.

There's no Machiavellian advantage in waiting. If Bush is going to do this thing, Bush needs to do this thing.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 1:39 AM | link   

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IRAQ AS MERCANTILISM IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION   
Must reading: an entirely cogent -- if morally lacking -- framework for rationalizing the disarming and reshaping of Iraq from Thomas P. M. Barnett of the US Naval War College, featured in the March issue of Esquire (here's a link to its text, on the War College's site). Barnett's thesis is an updated mercantilism for the age of democratic globalization -- where the mercantile interests at stake are not a single nation's, but the whole modern world's.

"Show me where globalization is thick with network connectivity, financial transactions, liberal media flows, and collective security, and I will show you regions featuring stable governments, rising standards of living, and more deaths by suicide than murder. These parts of the world I call the Functioning Core, or Core. But show me where globalization is thinning or just plain absent, and I will show you regions plagued by politically repressive regimes, widespread poverty and disease, routine mass murder, and—most important—the chronic conflicts that incubate the next generation of global terrorists. These parts of the world I call the Non-Integrating Gap, or Gap.

"Globalization’s 'ozone hole' may have been out of sight and out of mind prior to September 11, 2001, but it has been hard to miss ever since. And measuring the reach of globalization is not an academic exercise to an eighteen-year-old marine sinking tent poles on its far side. So where do we schedule the U.S. military’s next round of away games? The pattern that has emerged since the end of the cold war suggests a simple answer: in the Gap.

"The reason I support going to war in Iraq is not simply that Saddam is a cutthroat Stalinist willing to kill anyone to stay in power, nor because that regime has clearly supported terrorist networks over the years. The real reason I support a war like this is that the resulting long-term military commitment will finally force America to deal with the entire Gap as a strategic threat environment."

I commend Barnett's analysis to your attention not because I think it offers a moral basis for a just war, but because it is a highly articulate explication of the most extreme possible version of "mission creep" in the initiative against Iraq -- beyond disarmament, beyond post-war nation-building, beyond the region-building contemplated in Bush's speech last week... all the way to world-building.

According to Barnett's logic, Iraq is just the first step. And if he's right, this is going to get very, very expensive. Especially if we have to go it alone for the sake of the whole damn modern world.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 12:47 AM | link   


Sunday, March 02, 2003

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THE THREE FACES OF GRETCHEN   
Every Sunday morning it's a surprise. Which one of the three faces of Gretchen Morgenson will we see in her New York Times business section column? We just never know if it will be...

  • "the investigative reporter" -- Gretchen cites in detail the plaintiff's claims in a recently filed lawsuit against a big company as though they were facts unearthed by her through great insight and effort, and briefly paraphrases the company's defense to make the company look unresponsive and venal...

or if it will be...

  • "the crusading reformer" -- Gretchen recaps the most salacious headlines from some business scandale du jour and concludes that it's further evidence of the decline of morals on Wall Street and evidence of lax regulation...

or if it will be...

  • "the seeker of truth" -- Gretchen records great thoughts, thought by great thinkers -- generally an analyst who has a negative opinion about a company or the market, whose thoughts are contextualized as a small lifeboat of pessimistic truth afloat in an ocean of optimistic lies.

Today Gretchen is "the seeker of truth," and the great thought, thought by a great thinker, is a warning to investors who have moved from equity funds to bond funds:

"...investors who hope that their retreat to bondville will reduce risk in their battered portfolios could be dead wrong."

Is there a difference between being merely wrong and being "dead wrong"? Well, not economically, only stylistically. Take the sensationalistic word "dead" out of that sentence and read it again, and you'll see -- there's nothing left but a lame truism. Some investors "could be...wrong." That's a first, huh? She got a Pulitzer Prize for that?

As with all of Morgenson's "seeker of truth" columns, the truth found after all her seeking is not only vapid but unoriginal. This time it comes from a research outfit called Gimme Credit, who has made quite a media reputation the last couple of years by spotting companies about to have their credit downgraded -- Morgenson cites a list of five that Gimme Credit is worrying about now. Have there been any companies that Gimme Credit has similarly worried about where nothing happened? Who knows -- maybe, maybe not. That particular truth isn't the truth that our seeker of truth is seeking, so we'll never know.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 8:16 PM | link   

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THE PROFESSOR BEGINS TO LEARN   
I'd twice (here, and again here) pointed out that blogging UC Berkeley professor Brad DeLong posts an on-line CV which is almost three years out of date so that he can still claim that he is a columnist for the New York Times from "2000-present" (when, in fact, his last of only three Times columns was in May, 2000). Well, without publishing anything that looks like a "correction," DeLong's home page now links to a current CV that is considerably more honest about his short-lived career on the Times. But if you click on the old link it still takes you to the old CV, where that Times gig exists in a permanent "present." Brad, the road to integrity begins with a single step -- and you have taken it. Now let's try to work on that little intellectual property kleptomania problem.

Posted by Donald L. Luskin at 1:26 AM | link   


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